Сергей Александрович Денисов

Институт археологии РАН (Российская федерация)

ОБРАЗЫ ЖИВОТНОГО МИРА В ПИСЬМАХ НАВПАКТСКОГО МИТРОПОЛИТА ИОАННА АПОКАВКА К ЭПИРСКОМУ ПРАВИТЕЛЮ ФЕОДОРУ I ДУКЕ (1215–1230)

Sergey Alexandrovich Denisov

Institute of Archaeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Russian Federation)

IMAGES OF THE ANIMAL WORLD IN THE EPISTLES OF JOHN APOKAUKOS, METROPOLITAN OF NAUPAKTOS, TO THEODORE I DOUKAS (1215–1230)

Page Range: 9–22

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.009022

Abstract: The article is devoted to the images of animal world, which were used in Byzantine society during the political controversy of the years 1215–1230. The essence of dissension was the claim of Theodore I, ruler of the Principality of Epirus, on emperor’s title. His endeavour was supported by the Epirote clergy, but disputed by representatives of the Nicean Empire. Animal images that were used in the debate are to be found in the epistles of John Apokaukos, metropolitan of Naupaktos, to Theodore I. Some of the most utilized images (e.g. eagle, lion, sparrow, mule) were applied to underline the greatness of Epirote ruler, the weakness and/or submission (sparrow and mule), as well as the impiety (lion) of his principal antagonists – the crusaders. The same can be stated for the symbolics used in the epistles of other representatives of the Epirote clergy: Demetrios Chomatianos, the Archbishop of Achrida, and George Bardanes, the Metropolitan of Kerkyra. At the same time, the metaphor of lion was used in the epistle of Demetrios Chomatianos as a positive symbol of emperor, which was caused by the multifaceted meaning of this notion. In the epistle of George Bardanes to the Ecumenical Patriarch Germanos II (1223–1240) the image of chameleon was used in order to indicate inferiority of the Nicean emperor, John III Doukas Vatatzes (1222–1254) compared to the lionlike greatness of Theodore I. Animal imagery was also actively used in the Nicean Empire, but there, some other kinds of animals (wolf, snake, magpie) were indicated as Emperor’s antagonists. All these examples testify to the fact that images of animals preserved its significance and even obtained new meaning during the political controversy of the first half of XIII century.

Keywords: Byzantine Empire, literature, Principality of Epirus, epistles, animal world.

Бењамин Хекић

Историјски институт Београд (Србија)

КЬШАНДРА ГОСПОГI̵А И ПЕБОУШЬ БОГЬ – ОДЈЕЦИ ТОПОСÂ ВИЛИНСКЕ ЉУБАВНИЦЕ И ВИЛИНСКИХ ДАРОВА У ЈУЖНОСЛОВЕНСКОМ РОМАНУ О ТРОЈИ

Benjamin Hekić

The Institute of History Belgrade (Serbia)

LADY KŠANDRA AND PEBUŠ THE GOD – ECHOES OF THE FAIRY MISTRESS AND FAIRY GIFTS TOPOI IN THE SOUTH SLAVIC ROMAN DE TROIE

Page Range: 23–46

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.023046

Abstract: What concerns us in this paper is an episode from the mediaeval prosaic narrative known as South Slavic Roman de Troie that tells the tale of Cassandra and Apollo. The story goes that the Trojan princess (in Slavic, Kšandra) met Apollo (he is called Pebuš, which is his byname Phoebus, in Slavic) at the banks of the river Simoeis, and the god promised her the gift of prophecy if she consented to make love to him but not to speak of it to anyone, lest her prophecies be believed by no one. Cassandra consented, had sex with the god, and when she went back to Troy she announced that she made love to Phoebus and immediately started to prophesize the fall of Troy, but no one believed her, since she broke her promise to Phoebus not to speak of their lovemaking. From Classical tradition we have several variants (Aeschylus, Apollodorus, Hyginus, etc.) of the story how Cassandra got her prophetic powers, but none of them contains the actual lovemaking; in all versions Cassandra remains chaste. Only the so-called First Vatican Mythographer knew that the deal between Cassandra and Phoebus was consummated, but then Apollo regretted the “trade” and cursed Cassandra so no one would believe her prophecies. It is quite interesting that the Cassandra episode is not present in any of the numerous western mediaeval Trojan narratives, but only in the South Slavic Roman de Troie. We argue that the pattern used in the Cassandra episode is an echo of the western mediaeval literary topos of the fairy mistress, by comparing this episode with western mediaeval literary works that incorporate the fairy mistress motif (primarily lais of Lanval and Graelant, Italian romance Pulzella Gaia, German romance Seifrid de Ardemant). These works introduce a fairy mistress (usually female, though there are examples where the fairy lover is male, e. g. Lai de Yonec) that promises to bestow her love and worldly treasures to the mortal man under one condition – he must not reveal his mistress’ identity and their affair, or he’ll lose everything that he gained and will never again see her. We believe that some elements of these topoi – fairy mistress, fairy gifts with taboo–prohibition of not revealing the relations with the fairy – were employed in the South Slavic Cassandra episode, with Phoebus taking the place of the fairy mistress, therefore reversing the gender aspect from the original fairy mistress topos. The gift of prophecy that Phoebus bestows constitutes a dangerous gift (these gifts can be rewarding, as long as the prohibition is observed, unlike negative gifts that bring no reward, only ruin). The elements of the fairy mistress topos in the Cassandra episode are used as a functional and effective narrative device that drives the plot of the story (Cassandra must not be believed if the story of the fall of Troy is to play out), which, in our opinion, proves that the elements of the fairy mistress topos were used intentionally by the author.

Keywords: South Slavic Roman de Troie, Cassandra, Phoebus (Apollo), fairy mistress topos, fairy gifts, taboo (prohibition), dangerous gifts, narrative device.

Милош Ивановић

Историјски институт Београд (Србија)

„ЗАБОРАВЉЕНИ“ КТИТОРИ У СРЕДЊОВЕКОВНОЈ СРБИЈИ

Miloš Ivanović

The Institute of History Belgrade (Serbia)

“FORGOTTEN” KTETORS IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA

Page Range: 47–72

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.047072

Abstract: This paper is dedicated to the analysis of the charters of Serbian rulers in which the ktetors were not mentioned, although they were probably known to the publisher of the documents. The author also used inscriptions and research of art historians to try to answer why this occured. It seems that some ktetors were omitted because they were unfaithful to the ruler. The penalty for this violation was the confiscation of property, including the monastic foundations of the offenders. This scenario is certain in the case of čelnik Radič who was not mentioned as the founder of monastery Vraćevšnica in the charter of Despot Đurađ and Despot Lazar in 1456. With somewhat less probability it can be assumed that the ktetor of the church in Lipljan was not mentioned by King Stefan Dušan for the same reason. These examples point to the existence of the „damnatio memoriae“ phenomenon in medieval Serbia. In other cases the reasons for the absence of ktetor’s names were not of political nature. It can be assumed that some noblemen did not leave descendants who would claim their property which then became, including their foundations as well, part of the royal belongings. Furthermore, it should be kept in mind that some founders had bequeathed their endowments to other, often larger church institutions (e.g. Athonite monasteries). Therefore it should not be surprising that they were forgotten after a relatively long period of time as in the case of the nun Marija. In the end, it must be emphasized that the lack of sources often proved an obstacle in discerning the reasons as to why certain persons were not mentioned as ktetors.

Keywords: ktetors, church, ruler, charters, disloyalty, oblivion, monastery.

Nebojša Porčić

Department of History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade (Serbia)

THE DUBROVNIK CORPUS OF SERBIAN IMPERIAL DOCUMENTS AS A SOURCE FOR CHANCERY RESEARCH

Небојша Порчић

Филозофски факултет Универзитета у Београду, Одељење за историју (Србија)

ДУБРОВАЧКИ КОРПУС СРПСКИХ ЦАРСКИХ ДОКУМЕНАТА КАО ИЗВОР ЗА ИСТРАЖИВАЊЕ ПИТАЊА КАНЦЕЛАРИЈЕ

Page Range: 73–99

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.073099

Abstract: The Dubrovnik corpus of documents issued by Serbian medieval rulers of the Nemanjić dynasty provides the best available avenue of approach to the still inadequately treated issue of the Nemanjić chancery. This analysis focuses on documents issued in the final period of Nemanjić rule, after King Stefan Dušan assumed the imperial title (1346–1371). It confirms that documents were produced in accordance with a clearly defined typology by a regular, organized staff. Very proficient in supplying the various types of documents with appropriate external and internal features, these individuals also proved capable of adapting earlier document-making tradition to the demands presented by the rise of the Serbian rulers to imperial status. However, certain aspects of the production process seem to have remained underdeveloped (apparent lack of proper formularies and registers of outgoing items). This opened the way for greater involvement of addressees, a factor that should be taken into account in further research.

Keywords: Serbia, Middle Ages, diplomatics, documents, chancery, emperor Dušan, emperor Uroš

Бранислав Тодић

Филозофски факултет Универзитета у Београду, Одељење за историју уметности (Србија)

ПОЧЕТАК РЕЦЕПЦИЈЕ ТЕОДОСИЈЕВОГ ЖИТИЈА СВЕТОГ САВЕ И ПОХВАЛЕ СВЕТИМ СИМЕОНУ И САВИ У РУСКОЈ КЊИЖЕВНОСТИ

Branislav Todić

Department of Art History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade (Serbia)

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE RECEPTION OF THEODOSIUS’S LIFE OF ST. SAVA AND ENCOMIUM ON STS. SYMEON AND SAVA IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE

Page Range: 101–122

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.101122

Abstract: The Life of St Sava of Serbia penned by Theodosius and his Encomium on Sts Symeon and Sava reached Russia around 1420 at the latest since it is from that date on that they began to be included in Russian literary works. Both texts were contained in a manuscript which was closest to the type exemplified by the 1643 Chilandar codex no. 509, which suggests that it was brought to Russia from Mount Athos. The Encomium it contained was of the short type, albeit somewhat more complete than the one in Cod. Chil. 509. The manuscript has not survived, nor is there any known copy of it, but there is no doubt that it was much read, as evidenced by its reception in Russian literature. The earliest known use of Theodosius’s Encomium on Sts Symeon and Sava has been dated around to 1420, when the monk Epiphanius the Wise of the Trinity monastery near Moscow included a portion of it in his Encomium on Venerable Sergius. This fact allows us to make the cautious assumption that it was to this Russian monastery that Theodosius’s Life and Encomium was originally brought. The other texts whose authors made use of Theodosius might have also been written there: the prologue to the Life of St Sabbas the Sanctified and the Encomium on Sts Euthymius the Great and Sabbas the Sanctified written between 1420 and 1480. These texts made borrowings from two works of the Byzantine writer Cyril of Scythopolis and two works of the Serbian writer Theodosius, which suggests that they were written at a centre which possessed a well-equipped library. Epiphanius made use of the introductory passages of Theodosius’s Encomium in a fair manner and, with a few minor interventions, put them in the proper place in his Encomium on St Sergius. Similar was the approach of the first author of the prologue to the Life of St Sabbas the Sanctified, who borrowed almost the entire prologue from Theodosius’s Life of St Sava of Serbia, whereas a subsequent redactor of the Russian prologue made much more alterations in the texts borrowed both from Theodosius and from Cyril of Scythopolis. The redactor of the Encomium on Sts Euthymius and Sabbas the Sanctified went the farthest in changing Theodosius’s Encomium to Sts Symeon and Sava by shortening, supplementing and in other ways altering his text. A turning point in the reception of Theodosius’s work occured in the first decades of the 16th century, when the cult of St Sava of Serbia took root in Russia. Theodosius’s Life with full Encomium, which had been brought to Grand Prince Basil III from Mount Athos in 1517, began to be copied frequently, and so was his Service to St Sava which had already been known in Russia. In parallel with new transcriptions of the Life and Encomium from the 1517 protograph and their new reception in the 16th century, Russian compositions based on the manuscript of Theodosius’s Life of St Sava and Encomium on Sts Symeon and Sava which had arrived in Russia earlier (before 1420) were also copied.

Keywords: Literary reception, 15th century, Serbian literature, Theodosius, Russian literature, Epiphanius the Wise.

Valentina Živković

Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (Serbia)

OSANNA DA CATTARO AND FRANCESCHINA DA ZARA: LIVING SAINTS AS SPIRITUAL PROTECTORS DURING THE OTTOMAN SIEGE OF KOTOR

Валентина Живковић

Балканолошки институт САНУ (Србија)

OSANNA DA CATTARO И FRANCESCHINA DA ZARA: SANTE VIVE КАО ДУХОВНЕ ЗАШТИТНИЦЕ КОТОРА ТОКОМ ОТОМАНСКЕ ОПСАДЕ KOTOR

Page Range: 123–136

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.123136

Abstract: According to the hagiographical tradition recorded in Vita di beata Osanna by Florentine Dominican Serafino Razzi (1592), the Kotor santa viva is credited with a prominent role in the town’s spiritual protection during the attacks of Ottoman admiral Hayreddin Barbarossa (1539). A somewhat different representation was depicted in the personal correspondence between town guardian, Captain Gian Matteo Bembo, and his cousin, the famous cardinal Pietro Bembo, during the Ottoman siege of Kotor. Their letters focused on spiritual protection with no mention of Osanna, but rather, a general debate about the prayers of holy nuns from Kotor and Zadar. One name stood out – santa monaca Franceschina from Zadar, whose prayers, advice and prophecies cardinal Pietro Bembo particularly revered. This paper explores the issue of the role of santa viva as a protector of Venetian Kotor by addressing the hagiographical tradition and written testimonies of participants in historical events.

Keywords: santa viva, Pietro Bembo, Gian Matteo Bembo, Venetian Republic, Osanna da Cattaro, Franceschina da Zara, Hayreddin Barbarossa, Serafino Razzi.

Emir O. Filipović

Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu (Bosna i Hercegovina)

PISMO FIRENTINSKE VLADE KRALJU TVRTKU KOTROMANIĆU IZ APRILA 1390. GODINE. PRILOG PITANJU BOSANSKE VLASTI U DALMACIJI

Emir O. Filipović

Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina)

THE LETTER OF THE FLORENTINE GOVERNMENT TO KING TVRTKO KOTROMANIĆ FROM APRIL 1390. A CONTRIBUTION TO THE ISSUE OF BOSNIAN RULE IN DALMATIA

Page Range: 139–158

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.139158

Abstract: The collection Missive della prima Cancelleria in the State Archives of Florence keeps a copy of a letter sent by the Florentine government to Bosnian king Tvrtko in April of 1390. Even though some documents from this collection have previously been published, the mentioned letter has escaped the attention of researchers. The source claims that the Bosnian King named Florentine citizen Luke, son of John de Gallis, as count of the islands of Korčula, Hvar and Brač, and the government praises and recommends their fellow citizen, placing itself at the King’s disposal. This paper presents a critical edition and translation of the letter along with a commentary which particularly focuses on the person and activities of the mentioned Luke and his connections with the Bosnian and Croatian supporters of King Ladislas of Naples. On the basis of the available and analysed evidence it seems that the connections that Luca de Gallis had with the Angevin court in Naples, or with the Horvati and Vukčić brothers, were crucial for his entrance into the orbit of the Bosnian King and potential acceptance of comital authority on the islands of Brač, Hvar and Korčula. As a very mobile merchant with outstanding personal abilities, Luca had a remarkable political career in Florence where he performed numerous diplomatic missions for his homeland, but also for the Angevins of Naples. His basic political and commercial affairs were connected to the area of the Kingdom of Hungary where he managed to accumulate great personal wealth by trading various luxury items between the coasts of the Adriatic Sea. In that way he came into contact with numerous influential individuals and circles who then opened for him other business opportunities. Luca obviously skilfully used his reputation, great personal fortune, as well as connections with political potentates to further his business interests. He probably used his own money to support the ambitions of certain nobles or rulers and he financed their great political projects or enterprises. Wishing to repay and reward him for his loyalty, they recompensed him by giving him offices, estates or titles, and his case is a typical example of the connection between trade and politics, money and power, and an indicator of what kinds of possibilities for advancement stood at the disposal of capable businessmen during the late Middle Ages. Thus the appearance of Luca de Gallis in potential combinations and intentions of the Bosnian King towards Dalmatia allows us, at least partially, to gain an insight into the way that King Tvrtko’s Dalmatian policy functioned. Namely, it is well known that for the acquisition of great territories in Croatia and Dalmatia, the Bosnian King had to employ the maximum of his resources and that in this process he engaged the maximum of his potential. Therefore, he had to approach the extending and consolidating of his authority in Dalmatia rationally and rely, wherever possible, on locals or foreigners who knew the situation in the seaside better, were better aware of the political circumstances, and had at their disposal money and an established network of contacts. Consequently, there must have been a strong reason why Luca de Gallis was named as the count of the islands and this was probably a classic business transaction whose outcome was conditioned by the basic principle of supply and demand. King Tvrtko needed able men with important financial and political capital, as well as connections, and along with all of that, Luka also enjoyed the confidence of the court in Naples. So it can be said that apart from the expressed and proven skills in trade and diplomacy, King Tvrtko also employed him due to his political orientation which legitimated him in the time of sharp polarisation of opposing sides in the Hungarian Kingdom. The gathered and presented facts introduce a new character in the story about the period of Bosnian administration in Dalmatia, and his appearance in this context sheds some more light on the complex political relations during the Hungarian succession crisis which the Bosnian ruler attempted to use for his own gain, expanding the borders of the Bosnian Kingdom and gaining control of the rich revenues of the coastal trade. This also clarifies the position of Luca de Gallis, whose impressive biography is supplemented with connections to the Bosnian court, the title of comes and claims of authority over the islands of Brač, Hvar and Korčula. Even though this famous Florentine merchant is not an unknown historiographical quantity anymore, there are still chances that his role in the “Adriatic project” of King Tvrtko could be additionally enlightened by the discovery of new information in some of the archival institutions in Italy, Croatia or Hungary.

Keywords: Bosnia, Florence, Korčula, Brač, Hvar, Dalmatia, king Stefan Tvrtko, Luca del Pecchia (de Gallis), king Ladislaus of Naples.

Adrian Magina

Museum of the Highland Banat, Reşiţa (Romania)

ACTA JAKŠIĆIANA. DOCUMENTS REGARDING THE JAKŠIĆ OF NĂDLAC FAMILY IN ROMANIAN ARCHIVES

Адријан Мађина

Музеј Планинског Баната, Решица (Румунија)

ACTA JAKŠIĆIANA. ДОКУМЕНТИ О ПОРОДИЦИ ЈАКШИЋ ОД НАЂЛАКА У РУМУНСКИМ АРХИВИМА

Page Range: 159–188

DOI: 10.29341/IN.06.0.159188

Abstract: The nobles of the Jakšić family were among the most representative members of the Serbian elite from late medieval Hungary. The Jakšić brothers took refuge in Hungary and settled near the Mureș River in Nădlac (Csanád County). Later, King Matthias donated to them various estates in several counties of his realm, including Transylvania. Although Transylvanian archives contain a substantial amount of data on the family, this has not been thoroughly researched. Documents presented in this study have not been previously published, except for the one from April 1559. They are found in the archives in Sibiu, Cluj and Oradea and they chronologically cover the period of the 16th century, containing information on both branches of the Jakšić family. Documents from the Romanian archives do not fundamentally change the established view on this family, but they supplement our knowledge and cast light upon some controversial or less known aspects of the history of the noble Jakšićs in medieval and early modern times.

Keywords: Jakšić family, Romanian archives, Transylvania, 16th century, documents.

Прикази и критике

Reviews

Page Range: 191–199

Научни живот

Scholarly life

Page Range: 203–215