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inicijal-2-naslovnica

ИНИЦИЈАЛ. ЧАСОПИС ЗА СРЕДЊОВЕКОВНЕ СТУДИЈЕ 2 (2014)
INITIAL. A REVIEW OF MEDIEVAL STUDIES 2 (2014)


Аранђел Смиљанић

Универзитет у Бањој Луци, Филозофски факултет, Студијски програм за историју (Босна и Херцеговина)

РАНГ ТИТУЛЕ ЖУПАНАУ СРЕДЊОВЈЕКОВНОЈ СРБИЈИ И БОСНИ 

Aranđel Smiljanić

University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Philosophy, Study programme for History (Bosnia and Herzegovina)

THE RANK OF THE TITLE OF ŽUPAN IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA AND BOSNIA 

Page Range: 11–30

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.011030

Abstract: The first known title among the Serbs was that of župan, which initially denoted leaders of individual tribes. With the formation of the state, there appeared the title of prince, whose holders suprerseded the župans as rulers. A new change occurred at the end of the 11th century, when župan Vukan became ruler of Raška. With the attribute „grand“, the title of župan came to represent the supreme rulers’ dignity of the Serbian state until 1217. Thereafter, it began to gradually decline, especially as a result of internal reforms implemented by King Uroš I in the middle of the 13th century, as well as the byzantinization of state apparatus performed by King Milutin at the beginning of the 14th century. During this period, part of the former jurisdiction of župans was transferred to the hands of the king’s officials – kephalai. Despite the weakening of the role of župans, in the second half of the 14th century there are still some very powerful persons bearing that title – Altoman, Nikola Altomanović, Andrija Gropa. With the reforms of despot Stefan Lazarević, the title of župan disappears from medieval Serbia. In Bosnia the situation was somewhat different. The title of župan appeared later than in Serbia, but it also endured longer. There were no kephalai to endanger župans, but there were voivodes and comites who were ranked above them. The župans usually performed their vassal obligations as petty noblemen towards the ruler or magnates. An exception in this regard were Sanko Miltenović and Dragiša Dinjičić, who as župans became truly powerful feudal lords and important factors in the Bosnian political arena of their time. In the last period of existence of the medieval Bosnian state, župans became deputies of comites or voivodes when they went to war, and the charters of rulers and magnates placed them below voivodes, comites and castellani, yet above the judges, katunars and globars. Finally, in the early years of Ottoman rule, župans were heads of the herder communities, which would soon disappear as the invaders consolidated their grip of power over Bosnia.

Keywords: župan; comes; banus and satnik; grand župan; ruler; grand comes; Byzantine titles; kephale; voivode; witness.


Julia Zlatkova

Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Balkan Studies & Center of Thracology (Bulgaria)

LEGENDARY AND SEMI-LEGENDARY FEMALE CHARACTERS IN LATE ANTIQUE HAGIOGRAPHY: REPENTANT HARLOTS, CROSS-DRESSING ASCETICS, AND HOLY FOOLS 

Јулија Златкова

Бугарска академија наука, Институт за балканистику са Центром за тракологију

ЛЕГЕНДАРНИ И ПОЛУЛЕГЕНДАРНИ ЖЕНСКИ ЛИКОВИ У ПОЗНОАНТИЧКОЈ ХАГИОГРАФИЈИ: БЛУДНИЦЕ ПОКАЈНИЦЕ, ИСПОСНИЦЕ ТРАНСВЕСТИТИ И ЈУРОДИВЕ 

Page Range: 31–45

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.031045

Abstract: This paper examines three extraordinary and bizarre types of female sanctity and ascetical practices, which were closely related to each other. They were favored by the early Byzantine hagiography, despite or maybe because of their legendary or semi-legendary character. The study analyzes symbolic significance and creative usage of biblical motifs in hagiographical discourse. By following biblical and mythological examples, medieval hagiographers created different types of holy women, which became powerful symbols of salvation and transformation for all humankind.

Keywords: Byzantine hagiography; asceticism; gender studies; female sanctity; women in Christianity.


Éva Révész

Universität Szeged, Philosophische Fakultät, Lehrstuhl für Historische Hilfswissenschaften (Ungarn)

DIE EHE GAVRIL RADOMIRS UND DER TOCHTER DES UNGARISCHEN KÖNIGS 

Éva Révész

University of Szeged, Faculty of Arts, Department of Auxiliaries to the Study of History (Hungary)

THE MARRIAGE OF GAVRIL RADOMIR WITH THE DAUGHTER OF A HUNGARIAN KING 

Page Range: 47–60

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.047060

Abstract: According to sources, the daughters of the Bulgarian tsar Samuel (Miroslava and Theodora Kosara) concluded their marriages after the defeat at Spercheios river (997). These relationships – both marital and political – were motivated, of course, by this great Bulgarian defeat. The same reasons led to the marriage of Radomir, of which a source tells that he married a „daughter of the king of Hungary“. During this period a change on the throne took place in Hungary, but only Géza could have played the role of a princely father-inlaw since Saint Stephen couldn’the yet have had an adult daughter. Prince Géza married his children into royal and princely families, so Samuel must have already been the tsar of the Bulgarians at the time.46 Two dates are to be assumed as the beginning of Samuelʼs autocracy: 976/980 or 997, but Bulgarian historians rather accepted the latter because of the overall source data. Since Bishop Michael of Devol mentioned the daughter of the „King of Hungary“, it indicates that in his source – on which his additions to the work of Skylitzes were based – Géza was known as the ruler of Hungary. With regard to all of the facts above mentioned, it can be said that Radomir, the heir to the Bulgarian throne, married the daughter of Géza in the year 997 (or at least 998). This marital union was dissolved by Radomir because he had received no Hungarian military aid for his struggle against Byzantium.

Keywords: Gavril Radomir; king of Hungary; tsar Samuel; Hungary; year 997/998; marital alliance; Bulgaria; Hungarian princess; hypothesis.


Magdalini Tsevreni

National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Faculty of Political Science and Public Administration (Greece)

A SYSTEMATIC READING OF DE LIBERTATE ARBITRII: THE IDEAS OF FREEDOM AND THE WILL OF SAINT ANSELM 

Магдалини Цеврени

Национални и Каподистријски универзитет у Атини, Факултет политичких наука и јавне администрације (Грчка)

СИСТЕМАТСКО ЧИТАЊЕ СПИСА DE LIBERTATE ARBITRII: ИДЕЈЕ СВЕТОГ АНСЕЛМА О СЛОБОДИ И ВОЉИ 

Page Range: 61–78

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.061078

Abstract: The idea of freedom and the will in the influential and important work of Saint Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109) is being examined in this paper. Anselm discusses free will in a dialogue (De libertate arbitrii) that is the second part of a trilogy that he instructs us to consider as a whole. To understand the ideas of freedom and the will the texts are systematically being analyzed, with particular emphasis on the concepts of rectitude, truth, freedom and the will, the way that free will is given to the rational nature and how human beings are solely responsible for the perseverance of their freedom and will. As the texts are being read, some of the modern dimensions of the concepts under consideration will be simultaneously encountered.

Keywords: Anselm; freedom; will; freedom of choice; freedom to choose; Medieval philosophy; moral philosophy; metaphysics.


Christian Gastgeber

Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research (Austria)

THE BYZANTINE EMPEROR ADDRESSING HIS ADDRESSEE. VARIANTS OF CLOSENESS AND DISTANCE IN DIPLOMATIC COMMUNICATION: A LETTER TO THE ABBOT OF MONTE CASSINO AND ITS AUTHENTICITY 

Кристијан Гастгебер

Аустријска академија наука, Институт за средњовековна истраживања, Одељење за византолошка истраживања (Аустрија)

ВИЗАНТИЈСКИ ЦАР СЕ ОБРАЋА СВОМ ДЕСТИНАТАРУ. ВАРИЈАНТЕ БЛИСКОСТИ И ДИСТАНЦЕ У ДИПЛОМАТИЧКОМ САОБРАЋАЈУ: ПИСМО ОПАТУ МОНТЕ КАСИНА И ЊЕГОВА АУТЕНТИЧНОСТ 

Page Range: 79–105

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.079105

Abstract: The imperial chancellery of Constantinople had different possibilities of self-designations of the emperor (as addresser) and designations of the addressee: generally, imperial documents accentuated the distance to the addressee and preferred an abstract noun with a third person singular verb. However, drafters could vary – even in the same document – between more emotional forms from the first person plural to the very familiar first person singular depending on the degree of distance and closeness (this aspect may be additionally emphasized by the range of respective forms for the addressee, i.e. abstract noun, second person plural, as well as singular). Nevertheless a first person singular in an imperial letter is extraordinary and needs explanation. This very diplomatic use of such forms is analysed on the basis of four letters of emperor Alexius I Comnenus to the abbots of Monte Cassino, once even switching to the first person singular.

Keywords: Byzantine diplomatics; Monte Cassino; sociolinguistics; imperial letter; First Crusade.


Евгений Гуринов

Белорусский государственный университет, Минск (Республика Беларусь)

СРАЖЕНИЕ ПРИ СИННАБРЕ В СВЕТЕ ХРИСТИАНСКИХ И МУСУЛЬМАНСКИХ ИСТОЧНИКОВ 

Evgeny Gurinov

Belarusian State University, Minsk (Belorussia)

THE BATTLE OF SINNABRA IN THE LIGHT OF CHRISTIAN AND MUSLIM SOURCES 

Page Range: 107–115

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.107115

Abstract: This article examines the battle of Sinnabra between Mawdud, atabeg of Mosul, and Baldwin I, the king of Jerusalem, on 28 June 1113. According to most modern scholars of the Crusades, near Sinnabra the Franks were lured into an ambush set for them by Mawdud, suffered a defeat and then retreated to Tiberias. This reconstruction is based on reports of western chroniclers and, first of all, on the account of Fulcher of Chartres who was a contemporary. However, Muslim sources, especially Damascus chronicler Ibn al-Qalanisi, a contemporary like Fulcher, report no information on the ambush. The Muslim authors consider the battle of Sinnabra as a chance encounter between Frankish and Muslim armies. A closer examination of the sources has disclosed that the ambush, ostensibly made by the Muslims near Sinnabra, is nothing more that a part of the Latin narrative of the battle. It was accepted by the scholars because they attached too much credence to western sources and because the chronicle of Ibn al-Qalanisi was discovered and published only in the first half of the 20th century, when the ambush near Sinnabra was considered a true episode of the campaign of 1113 (R. Röhricht, W. Stevenson, R. Grousset).

Keywords: Sinnabra; medieval warfare; Crusader States; Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem; the chronicles of the Crusades; historiography.


Alfredo Gatto

Università Vita-Salute San Raffaele, Milano (Italy)

A PROPOSAL FOR A DATING OF DE SEPTEM SIGILLIS OF JOACHIM OF FIORE 

Алфредо Гато

Универзитет Вита-Салуте Сан Рафаеле, Милано (Италија)

ПРЕДЛОГ ДАТОВАЊА СПИСА DE SEPTEM SIGILLIS ЈОАКИМА ИЗ ФЈОРЕ 

Page Range: 117–135

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.117135

Abstract: De septem sigillis plays an important role in comprehending the evolution of Joachim of Fiore’s thought. This brief apocalyptic treatise represents a quick model to summarize the hermeneutical efforts that the Calabrian abbot carried out in his previous works. By placing De septem sigillis within Joachim’s corpus, we can reach a broader knowledge of the development of the Calabrian theologian’s reflection. The structure of this treatise is based on a sevenfold model borrowed from the seven seals of the Apocalypse. Thanks to a binary concordia between the persecutions that took place in the Old and in the New Testament, Joachim tries to outline in this treatise the events that the Christian people will have to face before the final judgment. After having confronted the content of this text with the other works in which the same structure is presented, we have reasonable grounds to support that this apocalyptic treatise is a late product, written between 1196 to 1198, immediately before his most important work Expositio in Apocalypsim.

Keywords: Joachim of Fiore; De septem sigillis; seven seals; Apocalypse; Antichrist.


Срђан Рудић

Историјски институт Београд (Србија)

ЈЕЛЕНА – СУПРУГА КНЕЗА ПАВЛА ПЕТРОВИЋА 

Srđan Rudić

Institute of History Belgrade (Serbia)

JELENA – WIFE OF PRINCE PAVLE PETROVIĆ 

Page Range: 137–143

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.137143

Abstract: Historical sources mention Jelena, wife of prince Pavle Petrović and mother of duke Petar Pavlović, in the period from 1393 to 1419. Her husband was a member of a notable medieval aristocratic family from Hum, known under the surnames Bogavčić, Radivojević, Jurjević (Đurđević), and Vlatković. Sources preserved in the Dubrovnik Archives mention Jelena only in relation to financial transactions concerning the leasing of houses which she and her family owned in Dubrovnik.

Keywords: Jelena; Pavle Petrović; Petar Pavlović; Vlatković family.


Adrian Magina

Le Musée du Banat Montagneux, Reşiţa (Roumanie)

MILICA BELMUŽEVIĆ: LʼHISTOIRE DʼUNE NOBLE DAME DU XVIe SIÈCLE 

Адријан Мађина

Музеј Планинског Баната, Решица (Румунија)

MILICA BELMUŽEVIĆ: THE HISTORY OF A 16TH CENTURY NOBLEWOMAN 

Page Range: 145–162

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.145162

Abstract: The present study attempts to analyse the destiny of a 16th century noblewoman. The focus of attention is centred on Milica Belmužević, the daughter of a Serbian voïvode who established himself in the region of Banat in the second half of the 15th century. Milica was born at the close of the century. Losing her father as an infant, she was looked after by her mother and grandmother. Becoming of age she started a series of legal processes in order to regain estates that were rightfully hers. Counter to the opinion of certain historians, who accepted the idea of her marriage with a member of the Jakšić family, the only spouse of Milica corroborated by documents was Nicholas Kendeffy de Râu de Mori. This marriage strengthened Milicaʼs ties with the home region of her mother, the land of Haţeg in the county of Hunedoara. Her life can be traced through a series of documents that span a period of six decades, outliving both her husband and son, John Kendeffy.

Keywords: 16th century; Serbian nobility; Hungary; Transilvania; Milica Belmužević; land of Haţeg.


Georg Vogeler

University of Graz, Centre for Information Modelling – Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities (Austria)

DIGITAL DIPLOMATICS: WHAT COULD THE COMPUTER CHANGE IN THE STUDY OF MEDIEVAL DOCUMENTS? 

Георг Фогелер

Универзитет у Грацу, Центар за информационо моделовање – Аустријски центар за дигиталну хуманистику (Аустрија)

ДИГИТАЛНА ДИПЛОМАТИКА: ШТА БИ КОМПЈУТЕР МОГАО ДА ПРОМЕНИ У ПРОУЧАВАЊУ СРЕДЊОВЕКОВНИХ ДОКУМЕНАТА? 

Page Range: 163–185

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.163185

Abstract: The essay discusses the research possibilities created by the computer for diplomatic research. Following the steps of traditional scholarly work with medieval documentary heritage (heuristics, documentation, comparison, grouping, establishing rules, diplomatic critique, scholarly edition) it evaluates recent studies applying digital methods to charters. It argues that the easier accessibility of images online, the possibility to process large numbers of documents and a new conceptualisation of editing bring significant changes to diplomatics. It tries to identify the major changes in five fields: (1) verbal description is characterised by classification, rather than representation; (2) visual evaluation is enhanced by easy access to images and by the help of image analysis software; (3) full text search supported by natural language processing software makes it possible to connect a single charter to others hidden in large charter corpora characteristic of the Late Middle Ages; (4) statistical methods and visualization of large data sets helps to see the single charter in its full contemporary context; (5) digital editing can aggregate work done separately in one common representation and makes the editors’ knowledge on the documents explicit. Raising the question if this “digital diplomatics” is fundamentally different from pre-digital diplomatics, it comes to the conclusion that digital diplomatics helps to relieve the research of medieval documents from epistemological constraints determined by the conceptualisation of its results as to be represented in the form of a printed book.

Keywords: diplomatics; computer; digital humanities; methodology; critical edition; palaeography.


Andrew Jacob Cuff

The Catholic University of America, Washington (United States of America)

FONS SAPIENTIAE VERBUM DEI IN EXCELSIS. AN INTRODUCTION AND A TRANSLATION 

Ендру Џејкоб Каф

Амерички католички универзитет, Вашингтон (Сједињене Америчке Државе)

СПИС FONS SAPIENTIAE VERBUM DEI IN EXCELSIS. УВОД И ПРЕВОД 

Page Range: 189–213

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.189213

Abstract: In the thirteenth century, it is commonly related that the theologians at the University of Paris, mostly members of the newly-formed mendicant orders, were allowing philosophical speculation and disputation to replace their original commitment to the study of Sacred Scripture. However, each Chair of Theology at the thirteenth-century university was required to give an inaugural sermon whose form and content rebut this idea quite thoroughly. Each sermon began with a commendation of scripture, and followed with a delineation of scripture’s organization – consistently using scriptural analogies and imagery to do so. One inaugural sermon in particular, Fons sapientiae verbum Dei in excelsis, further undoes the narrative of Paris’ “addiction to speculative theology” by insisting that theology is more than speculation: it must also bring about change in the theologian. Such a bold claim highlights a thirteenth-century Franciscan-Dominican debate about the nature of theology, and clearly demonstrates the author’s determination to encourage his academic brethren to be “doers of the word and not hearers only.” What follows is a new English translation of Fons sapientiae, a source which can provide new perspective into the often-neglected inaugural sermon genre. It is accompanied by an introduction which seeks to frame Fons sapientiae in such a way that the authorship of Master John Pecham, which Joshua Benson argued for in his edition, is further evidenced by the sermon’s content.

Keywords: University of Paris, Oxford, inaugural sermon, John Pecham, Franciscan Order; Dominican Order; speculative theology; practical theology; Sacred Scripture; Queen of the Sciences.


Небојша Порчић

Универзитет у Београду, Филозофски факултет, Одељење за историју (Србија)

ДОКУМЕНТИ ЛАЗАРА И СТЕФАНА БРАНКОВИЋА О ПОДИЗАЊУ ПОКЛАДА ДЕСПОТА ЂУРЂА 

Nebojša Porčić

University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History (Serbia)

DOCUMENTS OF LAZAR AND STEFAN BRANKOVIĆ CONCERNING THE WITHDRAWAL OF THE DEPOSIT OF DESPOT ĐURAĐ 

Page Range: 215–239

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.215239

Abstract: In the second half of 1457, Lazar and Stefan, sons of the late Serbian despot Đurađ Branković, withdrew the last installment of a large deposit their father had made in Dubrovnik in 1441. During the procedure, the brothers issued five documents – two pairs of charters confirming first the withdrawal and then the delivery of their respective shares, and a letter by Lazar notifying the Dubrovnik authorities that the transaction has been completed. This paper presents new editions of all five documents (for two of the charters this is the first complete edition) and analyzes their diplomatic characteristics in order to determine their position within the corpus of 15th century Serbian documents, with special focus on comparison between the document-making practices of the two brothers, made interesting by the fact that Lazar was the current ruler, but also the younger sibling. As the only preserved original letter of a reigning Serbian despot from the entire period of the Despotate (1402–1459), Lazar’s letter provides particularly valuable insight into the external features of this type of documents, while its textual formulae are fully consistent with the texts of numerous despots’ letters available in the form of copies. The text of the charters, however, contains many features that deviate from known Serbian practice of the period (lack of signatures, presence of majestic plural in the intitulation, use of an atypical promulgation formula in which the charters are named open documents, etc), but have numerous parallels in contemporary documents issued by Dubrovnik and, especially, by the kings and regional lords of Bosnia. The explanation seems to be that these charters are the only surviving Serbian examples of the expeditoria, a special type of document essentially serving as a receipt for a withdrawal, widely used in Dubrovnik as a consequence of the increasing number of deposits made in the city by neighboring lords faced with the prospect of Turkish conquest. Finally, the potential for comparative analysis of Lazar’s and Stefan’s charters was somewhat reduced by the discovery that Lazar’s second charter, previously thought to be an original like all the others, is most probably a copy, the original having been sent to the Turkish court as evidence in a legal dispute in 1485/86. Nevertheless, even limited comparison suggests that, although the brothers lived together at the Serbian capital of Smederevo, they maintained separate document-making staffs or chanceries, which obviously cooperated in creating both pairs of charters, but also imparted upon the final products elements of their individual practices, resulting in subtle, yet telling differences.

Keywords: Serbia, 15th century; despot Lazar Branković; Stefan Branković; chancery; charter; letter; expeditoria.


Невен Исаиловић

Историјски институт Београд (Србија)

ПОВЕЉА БАНА ДАМЈАНА ХОРВАТА ДУБРОВЧАНИМА О СЛОБОДИ ТРГОВИНЕ 

Neven Isailović

Institute of History Belgrade (Serbia)

THE CHARTER OF BAN DAMJAN HORVAT ON COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES OF DUBROVNIK 

Page Range: 241–253

DOI: 10.29341/IN.02.0.241253

Abstract: This paper offers a critical edition (including text, translation and reproduction) of the charter of Croatian-Dalmatian-Slavonian ban Damjan Horvat of Litva, issued to the merchants of Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in 1473. The charter was written in Slavic vernacular and cyrillic alphabet, being one of roughly twenty preserved medieval Cyrillic diplomatic documents of Croatian origin. It was probably issued on the initiative of the Ragusans, due to the deteriorating situation on the most frequent routes of Ragusan trade (i.e. to Serbia and Bosnia) and also to the strenghtening of connections between the Croatian- Dalmatian ban (representative of Hungarian king Mátyás Corvin) and Dubrovnik on the grounds of protection against the Ottoman pressure. The charter has typical elements of a trading privilege of lesser format and its structure bears resemblance with many contemporary Croatian and some Bosnian documents of the same type.

Keywords: Dubrovnik (Ragusa); Dalmatia; Croatia; Slavonia; Damjan Horvat of Litva; 1473; charter; Cyrillic alphabet; commerce; privilege.


Прикази и критике 

Reviews 

Page Range: 257–272


Научни живот 

Scholarly Life 

Page Range: 275–294